Kurdistan democratic confederalists

Flag of the KCK. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Group_of_Communities_in_Kurdistan

With a population of 30 million, the Kurdish people are the world's largest stateless population. They form the majority of Kurdistan, a region in Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq. Since 1999, their struggle for self-determination has taken a very anarchstic turn, and communities in Kurdistan have established direct democratic governance modeled on the Zapatistas and the theories of US anarchist Murray Bookchin. While Kurds comprise the majority, the movement has been diverse and multi-ethnic. For example, in the canton of Jazira in Syrian Kurdistan, Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, Chechens, Armenians, Muslims, Christians and Yazidis co-exist and share political power.

Founded in 1975, the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, traditionally operated as a Marxist-Leninist party, demanding a Kurdish state independent from Turkey. A quarter-century later, their struggle took a sharply anarchistic turn, due in part to the influence of anarchist writer Murray Bookchin and the Zapatistas. The PKK and other rebels have since established the Group of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK), a confederation of direct democratic communal institutions across Turkish Kurdistan. KCK-affiliated groups have expanded the anti-authoritarian Kurdish social revolution into Iran, Syria and Iraq.

Turkey

In 1999, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan was arrested by Turkish authorities, and in prison Öcalan became heavily influenced by American anarchist Murray Bookchin and the Zapatistas. Öcalan embraced Bookchin's theory of Communalism and renamed it "democratic confederalism." As Öcalan reflected and criticized his party's authoritarian past, Öcalan's followers too became swayed. Rafael Taylor writes, "The PKK itself has apparently taken after their leader, not only adopting Bookchin's specific brand of eco-anarchism, but actively internalizing the new philosophy in its strategy and tactics. The movement abandoned its bloody war for Stalinist/Maoist revolution and the terror tactics that came with it, and began pursuing a largely non-violent strategy aimed at greater regional autonomy."

The PKK and other Kurdish rebels in Turkey established the KCK, a direct democratic confederation that makes decisions at five levels: the village, the neighborhood, the district, the city, and the region (northern Kurdistan). Taylor reports, “The informal consensus among witnesses, nevertheless, is that the majority of decision-making is directly democratic through one arrangement or other; that the majority of those decisions are made at the grassroots; and that the decisions are executed from the bottom-up in accordance with the federal structure.” The highest level of the the KCK, the Democratic Society Congress or DTK,requires that women constitute at least 40 percent of each assembly. Although DTK members include representatives of a wide variety of Kurdish civil society organizations, 60 percent of DTK members are recallable delegates from the direct democratic grassroots.

Elanor Finley, a board member of the Institute for Social Ecology, writes:

The movement is not without contradictions. For one, as a paramilitary organization, the PKK maintains a hierarchical command structure with Abdullah Öcalan at its center. Thus councils are often established ‘from above’ and it is unclear whether the popular legitimacy of these councils stems from a grassroots revolutionary sensibility or rather the widespread perception of illegitimacy attributed to the occupational Turkish government. In the past, the PKK have violently repressed rival left factions and Kurdish nationalist groups. Today, they negotiate with Erdogan’s government and pursue regional alliances with liberal Turkish political coalitions. And yet despite all this, Kurdish revolutionaries have launched arguably one of the most important and unique socio-political projects in the world.

Iraq

In 2014, KCK-affiliated fighters, including the PKK, fought the far-right Islamist group ISIS and rescued thousands of Yadizis trapped and terrorized by ISIS in Iraq's Sinjar Mountains.

Syria

Starting on June 19, 2012, Kurdish fighters liberated the Syrian region of Rojava, with the three cantons of Kobani, Afrin, and Jazira. In these liberated territories, locally-elected councils in each community make decisions regarding topics such as energy, food supplies, and patriarchal violence. All councils require at least 40 percent of participants to be women. Communities also have commisions which administer criminal justice, establish worker cooperatives, protect the environment, and organize defense. Rojava's constitution affirmed a commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

In September 2014, ISIS attacked the city of Kobani (in the canton of Kobane), and by early October, the journalist Patrick Cockburn reported that ISIS was "close to capturing" Kobani. The Free Syrian Army and the Turkish anarchist group DAF traveled to Kobani and joined the town's fight against ISIS. The US and its ally Turkey virtually abandoned the city. US Secretary of State John Kerry explained that defending Kobani was not a "strategic objective," and, in the midst of a bombing campaign in Syria, refused to carry out meaningful airstrikes against ISIS near Kobani or to send aid and weapons to the Kurdish rebels. Turkey, while enabling ISIS fighters to freely cross its Syrian border, refused to allow Kurdish fighters, weapons and supplies from Syria to reach Rojava. As the fighting continued, however, the US drastically increased its airstrikes in Kobani, in part for "propaganda reasons" according to the BBC's diplomatic and defense editor Mark Urban.

On October 17, after a month of fighting, the KCK-affiliated militias YPG and YPJ--the former are men, the latter women--forced ISIS to begin withdrawing from Kobani.

During ISIS' siege of Kobani, Anthropologist and anarchist David Graeber compared Rojava's situation to that of revolutionary Spain in the 1930s:

If there is a parallel today to Franco’s superficially devout, murderous Falangists, who would it be but Isis? If there is a parallel to the Mujeres Libres of Spain, who could it be but the courageous women defending the barricades in Kobane?

By October 19, the US began airlifting arms and supplies to Kobani. Journalist Bill Weinberg argues that while this support should not stop anarchists from standing with Kobani, it does set up conditions for the US to betray the Kurds' struggle.

We can only anticipate that Washington will sell out the YPG in deference to NATO ally Turkey as soon as ISIS has been beaten back at Kobani. There's a long history of such betrayals that anarchists know all too well. Exactly like Trotsky used the Makhnovists to help defeat the Whites, then crushed them. Exactly as the Spanish Republic used the Catalan anarchists. Exactly as Carranza used Villa and Zapata. Et cetera.

Culture

In a region with strongly patriarchal traditions, the Rojava uprising has instituted significant advances in the position of women, as Janet Biehl summarizes:

But today the women of Rojava have shaken off that tradition and participate fully in public life: at every level of politics and society. Institutional leadership consists not of one position but two, one male and one female official — for the sake of gender equality and also to keep power from concentrating into one person’s hands.

Representatives of Yekitiya Star, the umbrella organization for women’s groups, explained that women are essential to democracy — they even defined the antagonist of women’s freedom, strikingly, not as patriarchy but as the nation-state and capitalist modernity. The women’s revolution aims to free everyone. Women are to this revolution what the proletariat was to Marxist-Leninist revolutions of the past century. It has profoundly transformed not only women’s status but every aspect of society.

Even the traditionally male-dominated strands of society, like the military, have been profoundly transformed. The people’s protection units (YPG) have been joined by the YPJ — or women’s protection units — whose images by now have become world famous. Together, the YPG and the YPJ are defending society against the jihadist forces of ISIS and Al-Nusra with Kalashnikovs and, perhaps equally formidably, a fierce intellectual and emotional commitment not only to their community’s survival but to its political ideas and aspirations too.

Decisions

See above, a description of the movement's implementation of council-based democracy and confederalism. These participatory democratic structures exist alongside more top-down, parliamentary structures that the rebels have implemented. Graeber comments, "I don’t think I’ve ever heard of anywhere else in the world where there’s been a dual power situation where the same political forces created both sides. There’s the 'democratic self-administration,' which has all the form and trappings of a state -Parliament, Ministries, and so on- but it was created to be carefully separated from the means of coercive power. Then you have the TEV-DEM (The Democratic Society Movement), driven bottom up directly democratic institutions. Ultimately -and this is key- the security forces are answerable to the bottom-up structures and not to the top-down ones."

Economics

Rojava's residents create worker cooperatives in order to build what a Rojavan economic adviser calls a "community economy". Visiting Rojava, Janet Biehl saw a sewing cooperative, a cooperative greenhouse, and a dairy cooperative. Rojava imports just enough oil to meet its own needs and uses its own two refineries.

The Rojavan schools "is non-traditional, rejecting ideas of hierarchy, power and hegemony. Instead of following a teacher-student hierarchy, students teach each other and learn from each other’s experience. Students learn what is useful, in practical matters; they 'search for meaning,' as we were told, in intellectual matters. They do not memorize; they learn to think for themselves and make decisions, to become the subjects of their own lives."

Environment

In Rojava, communities have commissions specifically dedicated to environmental protection. David Graeber describes an encounter with

a doctor, he looks like a slightly scary Syrian military type in a leather jacket and stern austere expression. Then you talk to him and he explains: “Well, we feel the best approach to public health is preventative, most disease is made possible by stress. We feel if we reduce stress, levels of heart disease, diabetes, even cancer will decline. So our ultimate plan is to reorganize the cities to be 70% green space... </blockuqote>

Crime

In addition to the communal commissions in charge of criminal justice, Rojavans have their own civilian security forces, or the Asayis. According to Biehl, "The Asayis reject the label police, since police serve the state whereas they serve society." The police have to take a six-week training in nonviolent conflict resolution and feminism training before they are allowed to touch a gun. The ultimate aim is to give police training to everyone so that they can eliminate professional police. Rojava has abolished capital punishment.

Revolution

Military units elect their officers.

--DFischer (talk) 13:37, 22 October 2014 (EDT) --DFischer (talk) 09:38, 25 December 2014 (EST)