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[[File:Hadza montage.png|thumb]]
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The Hadza are an egalitarian society in east Africa ("Tanzania") who have no chiefs or other human authorities and also no gods. Even the children are free to do as they wish, and they treat nonhuman beings as equals.
The Hadza are an egalitarian society in east Africa ("Tanzania") who have no chiefs or other human authorities and also no gods. Even the children are free to do as they wish, and they respect nonhuman beings as equals.


“We don't have a leader. All of us look like leaders. We lead ourselves. That is why when the young male like him, when he says 'I'm going somewhere,' nobody will stop him,’” reports Hadza member Shani Msafin-Sigwaze.<ref> “Africa’s ancient hunter gatherers struggle for survival,” ''BBC'' video, 18 April 2014, https://www.cnn.com/2014/04/18/world/africa/africas-ancient-hunter-gatherers-hadza/index.html.</ref>
“We don't have a leader. All of us look like leaders. We lead ourselves. That is why when the young male like him, when he says 'I'm going somewhere,' nobody will stop him,’” reports Hadza member Shani Msafin-Sigwaze.<ref> “Africa’s ancient hunter gatherers struggle for survival,” ''BBC'' video, 18 April 2014, https://www.cnn.com/2014/04/18/world/africa/africas-ancient-hunter-gatherers-hadza/index.html.</ref>
   
   
The Hadza live in mobile camps of anywhere from 2 to more than 100 people, with a mean of about 30.<ref>Frank W. Marlowe, ''The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010),  40.</ref>
The Hadza live in mobile camps of anywhere from 2 to more than 100 people, with a mean of about 30. In 2010, anthropologist Frank Marlowe reported that there were about 1,000 Hadza in total and that about 400 of them still practiced a foraging lifestyle.<ref>Frank W. Marlowe, ''The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010),  40.</ref> A 2012 census found that there were 1,200 to 1,300 Hadza individuals.<ref>Thea Skaanes, "Notes on Hadza Cosmology. Epeme, objects and rituals." ''Hunter Gatherer Research'' 1, no. 2 (2015): 247–267.</ref>
 
The Hadza claim that they have lived as foragers since the beginning of time, and members have consistently told researchers that their way of life is better than the surrounding pastoralists' and farmers'. As of 1999, there was no significant migration out of Hadza society.<ref>Bwire Kaare and James Woodburn, "The Hadza of Tanzania" in ''The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers'' ed. Richard B. Lee and Richard H. Daly (1999).</ref>


=Culture=
=Culture=


Anthropologist Frank Marlowe notes:
Explaining the Hadza people's egalitarianism, Marlowe writes:
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
The Hadza certainly are egalitarian (Woodburn 1979, 1982a). This does not mean that there are no individuals who would like to dominate others and have their way. It is simply difficult to boss others around. If a Hadza tries to tell others what to do, which does happen now and then, the others simply ignore it; if he or she persists, they just move to another camp. Of course, the bossy person could follow them, but if people move to several different locations, the bossy person cannot control them all at once.<ref>Marlowe, ''The Hadza'', 45.</ref>
This does not mean that there are no individuals who would like to dominate others and have their way. It is simply difficult to boss others around. If a Hadza tries to tell others what to do, which does happen now and then, the others simply ignore it; if he or she persists, they just move to another camp. Of course, the bossy person could follow them, but if people move to several different locations, the bossy person cannot control them all at once.<ref>Marlowe, ''The Hadza'', 45.</ref>
</blockquote>
</blockquote>
In addition to being able to join another camp, the environment has enough resources for most Hadza adults to live totally on their own. It is not rare for a Hadza to live alone as a hermit for an extended period.<ref>James Woodburn, "Egalitarian Societies," ''Man'' 17, no. 3 (1982): 438.</ref> Hadza women organize to fiercely preempt male authority. If a husband tries to beat a wife, the wife's mother can threaten to take her away from the husband. In bad cases, women may join together and beat the husband with sticks.<ref>Camilla Power, "Hadza gender rituals- ''epeme'' and ''maitoko'' - considered as counterparts", ''Hunter Gatherer Research'' 1, no. 3 (2015): 338.</ref>


According to ''Wikipedia'', the Hadza do not have a religion:
The Hadza do not have a formal religion and do not believe in gods. They consider the sun (Ishoko) to be female and the moon (Seta) to be male, and the stars to be their children.<ref> “Hadza people,” ''Wikipedia'', accessed 19 December 2020, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadza_people.</ref>
<blockquote>
 
While the Hadza certainly have cosmologies and myths they believe in and pass on from generation to generation, they are generally not characterized as having a formal, complex religion. This is because they don't have places of worship, religious leaders, gods, idols, belief in an afterlife, or frequent religious meetings, and so compared to the major world religions (e.g. Christianity, Islam, Judaism), they lack a formal religion.<ref> “Hadza people,” ''Wikipedia'', accessed 19 December 2020, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadza_people.</ref>
Social egalitarianism is maintained through through a monthly ''epeme'' dance. Two to three nights a month, when the moon isn't visible, all members of the Hadza camp participate in the ''epeme'' ritual. One one side of a barrier (sometimes made of bushes, and sometimes a hut wall), women sing and gather with children. On the other side, men dance for the well-being of their families. Anthropologists Bwire Kaare and James Woodburn argue that the ''epeme'' ritual may be interpreted as a recurring ceremonial reconciliation of men and women, and indeed all Hadza."<ref>Kaare and Woodburn, "The Hadza of Tanzania," 390.</ref>
</blockquote>
 
Girls and boys have complementary coming-of-age initiations. The girls' initiation, called ''maitoko'', is led entirely by women and girls, with no direction or involvement from men. After their first menstruation, a group of girls are circumcised early in the morning by a woman and dressed in lavish bead decorations. For three days, the girls then playfully chase the boys with whipping sticks. Anthropologist Camilla Power writes, that the women's solidarity and endurance of this ritual has the effect of "commanding respect" from the men.<ref>Power, "Hadza gender rituals."</ref> However, Kaare and Woodburn reported in 1999, "There are at present some indications that Hadza women may, on
their own initiative, soon decide to give up circumcision."<ref>Kaare and Woodburn, "The Hadza of Tanzania," 394.</ref>


The Hadza do not believe in gods. They consider the sun (Ishoko) to be female and the moon (Seta) to be male, and the stars to be their children
After boys' initiation into manhood, they are allowed to eat the ''epeme'' meat that is taken from the hunter and eaten in secret by initiated men and forbidden for women and children. Calling this exclusion a weak point in Hadza egalitarianism and a possible opening for the establishment of domination by male elders, Woodburn adds, "But it certainly is no more than a possible opening." <ref>James Woodburn, "Egalitarian Societies, Reconsidered" in Widlok, T, Tadesse, WG (eds) ''Property and Equality: Ritualisation, Sharing, Egalitarianism'' (New York: Berghahn Books), 27.</ref> The male initiation ceremony, called the ''maito'', was reported by Woodburn in 1964 to occur after his first emission.<ref>According to Power, "Hadza gender rituals'', 334.</ref> Marlowe's 2010 book, however, reported the the ''maito'' ceremony occurred after a young man killed his first large animal, usually at the age of 20 to 25. Some camps allow teenagers to join, although Marlowe notes one instance of a 15 year-old who, despite killing a large kudu, was deemed too young for initiation. A young man who does not kill a large animal, and therefore ''epeme'' hunter, may still marry and have the equal rights in the rest of society but cannot eat the ''epeme'' meat. Once he reaches an age around 30 to 35, he is accepted as an ''epeme'' man whether or not he has killed a large animal.<ref>Marlowe, ''The Hadza'', 57.</ref>


The Hadza traditionally recognize two genders, and, according to Marlowe's observation and interviews, homosexuality is absent except in the sex play of young people.<ref>Marlowe, ''The Hadza'', 53.</ref>
The Hadza traditionally recognize two genders, and, according to Marlowe's observation and interviews, homosexuality is absent except in the sex play of young people.<ref>Marlowe, ''The Hadza'', 53.</ref>


=Economy=
=Economy=
The Hadza have no specialists and no division of labor except for sexual division of labor. Marlowe writes:
 
The Hadza have an immediate-return economy, meaning that food is not accumulated in surplus but rather is eaten within a few days of its foraging. Generally, women gather vegetables and fruits, and men obtain honey and meat. A rough equality of possessions is maintained through widespread sharing, luck-based gambling, and sanctions on accumulation.<ref>James Woodburn, "Egalitarian Societies".</ref>
 
Although Hadza women mainly gather for themselves and their immediate family, they share it generously and are expected to give food to anyone who asks for it. It would be unthinkable, Woodburn reports, for anyone to hoard food while others go hungry. The meat brought by Hadza men is even more rigorously shared with all families, even those who weren't involved in the hunt. When a family cooks meat, they are expected to share it with anyone who happens to be around.<ref>Woodburn, "Egalitarian Societies," 441-442.</ref>
 
The Hadza have no specialists and no division of labor except for between men and women. Marlowe writes:
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
"Each Hadza knows how to do everything he or she needs to do and does not depend on others. Each man can make his own bow and arrows, his poison, and his ax. Each man knows how to make fire, how to track, and how to make pegs to climb baobab trees and get honey. Each woman knows how to make her own digging stick, how to find tubers and dig them up, how to build a house, and how to make her own clothes, jewelry, and baskets or find gourds to use as containers for carrying water or berries. Even when it comes to medicine, each adult man and woman knows which plants to pick for different ailments.<ref>Marlowe, ''The Hadza'', 46.</ref>
"Each Hadza knows how to do everything he or she needs to do and does not depend on others. Each man can make his own bow and arrows, his poison, and his ax. Each man knows how to make fire, how to track, and how to make pegs to climb baobab trees and get honey. Each woman knows how to make her own digging stick, how to find tubers and dig them up, how to build a house, and how to make her own clothes, jewelry, and baskets or find gourds to use as containers for carrying water or berries. Even when it comes to medicine, each adult man and woman knows which plants to pick for different ailments.<ref>Marlowe, ''The Hadza'', 46.</ref>

Revision as of 07:27, 31 December 2021

Hadza montage.png

The Hadza are an egalitarian society in east Africa ("Tanzania") who have no chiefs or other human authorities and also no gods. Even the children are free to do as they wish, and they respect nonhuman beings as equals.

“We don't have a leader. All of us look like leaders. We lead ourselves. That is why when the young male like him, when he says 'I'm going somewhere,' nobody will stop him,’” reports Hadza member Shani Msafin-Sigwaze.[1]

The Hadza live in mobile camps of anywhere from 2 to more than 100 people, with a mean of about 30. In 2010, anthropologist Frank Marlowe reported that there were about 1,000 Hadza in total and that about 400 of them still practiced a foraging lifestyle.[2] A 2012 census found that there were 1,200 to 1,300 Hadza individuals.[3]

The Hadza claim that they have lived as foragers since the beginning of time, and members have consistently told researchers that their way of life is better than the surrounding pastoralists' and farmers'. As of 1999, there was no significant migration out of Hadza society.[4]

Culture

Explaining the Hadza people's egalitarianism, Marlowe writes:

This does not mean that there are no individuals who would like to dominate others and have their way. It is simply difficult to boss others around. If a Hadza tries to tell others what to do, which does happen now and then, the others simply ignore it; if he or she persists, they just move to another camp. Of course, the bossy person could follow them, but if people move to several different locations, the bossy person cannot control them all at once.[5]

In addition to being able to join another camp, the environment has enough resources for most Hadza adults to live totally on their own. It is not rare for a Hadza to live alone as a hermit for an extended period.[6] Hadza women organize to fiercely preempt male authority. If a husband tries to beat a wife, the wife's mother can threaten to take her away from the husband. In bad cases, women may join together and beat the husband with sticks.[7]

The Hadza do not have a formal religion and do not believe in gods. They consider the sun (Ishoko) to be female and the moon (Seta) to be male, and the stars to be their children.[8]

Social egalitarianism is maintained through through a monthly epeme dance. Two to three nights a month, when the moon isn't visible, all members of the Hadza camp participate in the epeme ritual. One one side of a barrier (sometimes made of bushes, and sometimes a hut wall), women sing and gather with children. On the other side, men dance for the well-being of their families. Anthropologists Bwire Kaare and James Woodburn argue that the epeme ritual may be interpreted as a recurring ceremonial reconciliation of men and women, and indeed all Hadza."[9]

Girls and boys have complementary coming-of-age initiations. The girls' initiation, called maitoko, is led entirely by women and girls, with no direction or involvement from men. After their first menstruation, a group of girls are circumcised early in the morning by a woman and dressed in lavish bead decorations. For three days, the girls then playfully chase the boys with whipping sticks. Anthropologist Camilla Power writes, that the women's solidarity and endurance of this ritual has the effect of "commanding respect" from the men.[10] However, Kaare and Woodburn reported in 1999, "There are at present some indications that Hadza women may, on their own initiative, soon decide to give up circumcision."[11]

After boys' initiation into manhood, they are allowed to eat the epeme meat that is taken from the hunter and eaten in secret by initiated men and forbidden for women and children. Calling this exclusion a weak point in Hadza egalitarianism and a possible opening for the establishment of domination by male elders, Woodburn adds, "But it certainly is no more than a possible opening." [12] The male initiation ceremony, called the maito, was reported by Woodburn in 1964 to occur after his first emission.[13] Marlowe's 2010 book, however, reported the the maito ceremony occurred after a young man killed his first large animal, usually at the age of 20 to 25. Some camps allow teenagers to join, although Marlowe notes one instance of a 15 year-old who, despite killing a large kudu, was deemed too young for initiation. A young man who does not kill a large animal, and therefore epeme hunter, may still marry and have the equal rights in the rest of society but cannot eat the epeme meat. Once he reaches an age around 30 to 35, he is accepted as an epeme man whether or not he has killed a large animal.[14]

The Hadza traditionally recognize two genders, and, according to Marlowe's observation and interviews, homosexuality is absent except in the sex play of young people.[15]


Economy

The Hadza have an immediate-return economy, meaning that food is not accumulated in surplus but rather is eaten within a few days of its foraging. Generally, women gather vegetables and fruits, and men obtain honey and meat. A rough equality of possessions is maintained through widespread sharing, luck-based gambling, and sanctions on accumulation.[16]

Although Hadza women mainly gather for themselves and their immediate family, they share it generously and are expected to give food to anyone who asks for it. It would be unthinkable, Woodburn reports, for anyone to hoard food while others go hungry. The meat brought by Hadza men is even more rigorously shared with all families, even those who weren't involved in the hunt. When a family cooks meat, they are expected to share it with anyone who happens to be around.[17]

The Hadza have no specialists and no division of labor except for between men and women. Marlowe writes:

"Each Hadza knows how to do everything he or she needs to do and does not depend on others. Each man can make his own bow and arrows, his poison, and his ax. Each man knows how to make fire, how to track, and how to make pegs to climb baobab trees and get honey. Each woman knows how to make her own digging stick, how to find tubers and dig them up, how to build a house, and how to make her own clothes, jewelry, and baskets or find gourds to use as containers for carrying water or berries. Even when it comes to medicine, each adult man and woman knows which plants to pick for different ailments.[18]


  1. “Africa’s ancient hunter gatherers struggle for survival,” BBC video, 18 April 2014, https://www.cnn.com/2014/04/18/world/africa/africas-ancient-hunter-gatherers-hadza/index.html.
  2. Frank W. Marlowe, The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 40.
  3. Thea Skaanes, "Notes on Hadza Cosmology. Epeme, objects and rituals." Hunter Gatherer Research 1, no. 2 (2015): 247–267.
  4. Bwire Kaare and James Woodburn, "The Hadza of Tanzania" in The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers ed. Richard B. Lee and Richard H. Daly (1999).
  5. Marlowe, The Hadza, 45.
  6. James Woodburn, "Egalitarian Societies," Man 17, no. 3 (1982): 438.
  7. Camilla Power, "Hadza gender rituals- epeme and maitoko - considered as counterparts", Hunter Gatherer Research 1, no. 3 (2015): 338.
  8. “Hadza people,” Wikipedia, accessed 19 December 2020, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadza_people.
  9. Kaare and Woodburn, "The Hadza of Tanzania," 390.
  10. Power, "Hadza gender rituals."
  11. Kaare and Woodburn, "The Hadza of Tanzania," 394.
  12. James Woodburn, "Egalitarian Societies, Reconsidered" in Widlok, T, Tadesse, WG (eds) Property and Equality: Ritualisation, Sharing, Egalitarianism (New York: Berghahn Books), 27.
  13. According to Power, "Hadza gender rituals, 334.
  14. Marlowe, The Hadza, 57.
  15. Marlowe, The Hadza, 53.
  16. James Woodburn, "Egalitarian Societies".
  17. Woodburn, "Egalitarian Societies," 441-442.
  18. Marlowe, The Hadza, 46.