Hopi

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Abandoned house and panoramic view from Hopi village of Oraibi. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hopi

The Hopi are an indigenous, agricultural people in Arizona with a tradition of egalitarian power-sharing, gender equality and usufruct. The anthropologist Harold Barclay claims, "Hopi of Arizona express an anarchist distrust of leaders, such that that each individual seeks to avoid the leadership role, blending into the group as much as possible."[1] In 1934, the US government imposed on the Hopi a hierarchical governance structure. Today, Peabody Coal's strip mining threatens the land and communities of the Hopi and their Diné neighbors.

Culture

Alice Schlegel writes the Hopi have a "gender ideology ...of female superiority, and it operated within a social actuality of sexual equality."[2] Clans were matrilineal, and land-use rights were passed down from mother to daughter.[3]

Decisions

Traditionally, tribal administrators known as wimmomngwit included a village chief, a crier chief, clan leaders and ceremonial leaders. According to Maria Danuta Glowacka, the wimmomngwi "did not have any legislative or administrative control or positions, nor did they have political power within the community. The concept of political power as an institution referring to domination exercised by some individuals and groups over others is alien to the traditional Hopi culture. The Hopis never had centralized political or ceremonial structure. Traditionally, each village was autonomous and determined its social and ceremonial organization according to its own interpretation of clan migration traditions."[4] Households confederated into clans, clans into phatries, phatries into villages and villages into Mesas. There are thirteen villages and three Mesas.[5] Wayne Davis, an anthropologist, writes, "The native system of [Hopi] government is, in effect, a practical form of anarchy." [6]

In 1934, the US held a referendum among the Hopi to decide whether to organize a federally-recognized tribal government. The vast majority of Hopi strongly opposed forming a new government, and 90 percent of eligible voters boycotted the referendum. Nonetheless, the referendum passed, and Hopi governance quickly became much more hierarchical. [7]

Economy

Traditionally, the Hopi practiced a usufruct system of land-use.[8] Peter Spotswood Dillard describes it as "a form of anarcho-communism". The 1890 Dawes Act imposed private land ownership on the Hopi economy, giving each Hopi family 100 acres. Dillard writes that the Hopi clans "continue to oversee collective ownership of tribal lands".[9] The Hopi are agriculturalists.[10]

Environment

Traditional Hopi culture assigns great importance to living at a balance with their land. According to Jude Todd, "The Hopi have an acute awareness of humankind's interrelationship with the rest of nature, including not only plants and animals, but also such seemingly inanimate entities as stones and faraway planets and stars....Control, mastery, dominance of nature is foreign to the Hopi ethos. It can be said that they work with and within nature, but not in any way that sets them apart from or in opposition to it, as the notion of control must." When the Hopi used to depend on hunting for food, they would let the first animal they saw escape and would only kill subsequent animals. Todd describes this practice as a form of wildlife conservation. The Hopi name their clans after nonhuman entities like the sun, corn, bears and spiders. Traditional rituals line up with the seasons and other natural phenomena like rain. For example, the Snake Dance aims to balance the forces of nature so that rain comes.[11]

After the 1934 Hopi government reorganization, the new government became dominated by assimilated members of society and frequently Mormon converts. The tribal government agreed to lease much of their land for mining coal, oil and methane gas. Strip mining of coal has required the mass dispossession of Diné (Navajo) sheep herders living on land the US government considers property of the Hopi.[12] Some Hopi, particularly traditionally-minded members, strongly oppose strip mining. In 1971, six Hopi elders wrote in a statement supporting a lawsuit against the strip-mining Peabody Coal Company, "The area we call 'Tukunavi' [which includes Black Mesa] is part of the heart of our Mother Earth...The land is sacred and if the land is abused, the sacredness of Hopi life will disappear and all other life as well".[13] In 1979, the traditional Hopi leaders David Monongye and Thomas Banyacya attended and supported the American Indian Movement's Fifth International Treaty Council summit protesting the displacement of Diné herders due to strip mining.[14]

Crime

In Anarchy Works, Peter Gelderloos describes a Hopi method of resolving conflict and preventing people from dominating others:

Factions still exist within Hopi villages, but they overcome conflict through cooperation in rituals, and they use shame and leveling mechanisms with people who are boastful or domineering. When disputes get out of hand, they use ritual clown skits at kachina dances to mock the people involved. The Hopi offer an example of a society that gave up feuding and developed rituals to cultivate a more peaceful disposition.[15] The image of clowns and dances being used to solve disputes gives a tantalizing glimpse of humor and art as means for responding to common problems. There is a world of possibilities more interesting than general assemblies or mediation processes! Artistic conflict resolution encourages new ways of looking at problems, and subverts the possibility of permanent mediators or meeting facilitators gaining power by monopolizing the role of arbiter.

Revolution

Neighboring Societies

  1. ↑ Harold Barclay. People Without Government: An Anthropology of Anarchy
  2. ↑ Wikipedia. "Gender roles among the indigenous peoples of North America." Accessed 1 September, 2014, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gender_roles_among_the_indigenous_peoples_of_North_America#Hopi.
  3. ↑ Diane M. Notarianni. "Making Mennonites: Hopi Gender Roles and Christian Transformations." Ethnohistory, Vol. 43, No. 4, Native American Women's Responses to Christianity (Autumn, 1996), pp. 593-611. Accessed 1 September 2014, http://www.jstor.org/stable/483247.
  4. ↑ Maria Danuta Glowacka. "Ritual Knowledge in Hopi Tradition." American Indian Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Summer, 1998), pp. 386-392. Accessed 1 September 2014, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1184819.
  5. ↑ Diane M. Notarianni. "Making Mennonites: Hopi Gender Roles and Christian Transformations." Ethnohistory, Vol. 43, No. 4, Native American Women's Responses to Christianity (Autumn, 1996), pp. 593-611. Accessed 1 September 2014, http://www.jstor.org/stable/483247.
  6. ↑ Peter Spotswood Dillard. "The Unconquered Remnant: The Hopis and Voluntaryism." The Voluntaryist (2006). Accessed 1 September 2014, http://voluntaryist.com/backissues/129.pdf.
  7. ↑ Ward Churchill. Struggle for the Land (Monroe: Common Courage Press, 1993) 145-147.
  8. ↑ Glowacka. "Ritual Knowledge in Hopi Tradition."
  9. ↑ Peter Spotswood Dillard. "The Unconquered Remnant: The Hopis and Voluntaryism." The Voluntaryist (2006). Accessed 1 September 2014, http://voluntaryist.com/backissues/129.pdf.
  10. ↑ Churchill. Struggle for the Land.
  11. ↑ Jude Todd. "The Hopi Environmental Ethos (rev. 2002)". Accessed 1 September 2014, www.sacredland.org/PDFs/Todd.pdf
  12. ↑ Churchill. Struggle for the Land.
  13. ↑ Todd. "The Hopi Environmental Ethos."
  14. ↑ Churchill. Struggle for the Land.
  15. ↑ Alice Schlegel, “Contentious But Not Violent: The Hopi of Northern Arizona” in Graham Kemp and Douglas P. Fry (eds.), Keeping the Peace: Conflict Resolution and Peaceful Societies around the World, New York: Routledge, 2004.

--DFischer (talk) 22:50, 1 September 2014 (EDT) --DFischer (talk) 23:04, 1 September 2014 (EDT)

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